Salvatore Ambrosino
“Après moi, le déluge”
What can the G.O.P. do after enduring moral bankruptcy?
“He’s more so a populist than a conservative,” chair of Florida Southern College’s political science department Dr. Kelly McHugh said.
A wild card when the Republican party rolled dice in a move away from a core Republican, President Donald Trump’s evisceration of congressional Republicanism is of the most dismaying premises of his administration.
Rocked by an impending apocalypse having long backed a President with a penchant for flouting decency in the White House, the Reds in Congress find themselves overly concerned with accusation, becoming in their desperation a party of denial and blame.
The dismantling was foreshadowed outright in 2016, when two “faithless” electors from Texas, Christopher Suprun and Bill Greene jumped ship in light of Trump’s preeminence in the United States.
Four years ago this month, both long and short term fires endangered Republicans in Congress. The infighting pervasive after Trump’s election is still a liability and will continue to offset partisan unity for as long as it goes under the party leader’s chair without order.
Given Trump’s arms-dealing precedent of fueling flames, it is likely that the party will not find resolve amongst itself.
The long term fire set ablaze then Trump himself, for The People, The Nation and the Republican Party sold its soul in a Faustian deal for a nostalgia trip to the G.O.P. ‘s Reagan era of celebrity flair.
This throwback was simply infeasible, instating only the Americans who felt left out of the Obama administration and reviving a mass grave of forgotten White Supremacists the President has since resisted putting a nail into.
Because of this, modern Republicans in Congress are rendered incapable of representing their supporters, who although enthralled, were not thoroughly represented by Trump’s Oval Office.
Trumpist-Republicans have lost the integrity comprising its deepest philosophical and moral underpinnings, conservatisms, virtues and even sophisms core Republicans like Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, winning his seventh consecutive term in a Republican Senate, stood for decades defending in front of The Nation.
“The Republican Party is the Trump party for the foreseeable future,” McHugh said.
Even in his economic prowess he is characterized from establishment Republicans.
“He rails against corporations and he rails against trade deals,” McHugh said, noting that nearly nothing is sacred that is within reach of the Trump Administration, “He’s now known to make moves away from free trade- a cornerstone of Republican economic policy.”
While shifts in a party’s direction do generally occur, none have been so pronounced as Trump’s disregard and abolishment of Republican orthodoxy.
At a loss of direction, moral and perhaps even motivation, the party’s traditional constituents might be staring down extinction within the next four years under Trump’s stigma.
According to a study by the Center for American Progress, Trump’s base is corroded in terms of popularity with younger voters at precisely the time Millennials and Generation Z are poised to dominate the U.S. electorate.
With the balancing act of bi-partisanship having blown over in the winds of a moral crusade, Democratic enthusiasm afflicts the sensibility of young American voters.
Trump’s dissolve of Republicanism is not a victory for any active party in Congress, not because Republicans ultimately remain the majority in the Senate, but because he has murdered half America’s representation, and it is yet anticipated, if not unwittingly celebrated by half of Our Nation.
Center-right parties have long been a beneficial component to modern democracies, according to a Harvard study of democracy’s emergence in Western Europe by political scientist Daniel Ziblatt. Ziblatt also finds that Conservative alignment presents an identical struggle to America’s in its inability to confront the rise of extremist groups that pose threats to the etiquette of democracy.
This in hand with the propertied class’ historic tendency to reject policy that is perceived to threaten inherited wealth, has so far denied or advanced democracy, Ziblatt notes.
Democracy has historically also been dependent on the consent and existence of losers. Without either, a partisan overhaul would wreak a cudgel across American foundations regardless of political affiliation.
A Biden presidency would bring an administration emboldened by only a slight margin of victory and a mass ethic of retaliation.
Shows of strength will come in forms of ambitious policy, whatever costs slipping under the rug of a Democratic zeitgeist. And without the opposition of the modern Republican framework, the House and the President may soon go unopposed in the midst of infighting, confusion and disharmony in the Senate.
Given Trump and his band of grifters are expelled from the White House, they will have morally bankrupt the Republicans in Congress divided over Trump’s baseless claims of voter fraud. Having been accomplices to the President who drove constitutional democracy to its limits, shady Senators and Representatives might have to try extra hard to make friends in a foreseeably hesitant United States.
The G.O.P. must now choose either compiling an identity, picking up what is salvageable from traditional conservatism and distancing themselves from the spectre he leaves in office, or an embrace of a new era in Trump’s image.
